- Government is considering increasing the ethanol blending ratio in petrol from E5 to E20, which could quadruple the ethanol content and increase fuel costs if not accompanied by market liberalisation.
- The proposed E20 blend could add approximately 22 cents per litre to the pump price, , unless competitive pricing is introduced
- Cabinet has approved a review of selected fuel taxes, including import duty and carbon tax, which could provide relief to consumers, but the specifics and timeline are unclear
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CURRENT ETHANOL BLEND E5 (5%) Ethanol at $1.10/litre vs $0.55-$0.70 global benchmark |
PROPOSED BLEND E20 (20%) Would quadruple ethanol content in every litre of petrol |
TOBACCO SEASON VOLUME 22.9m kg To 18 March — up 34% vs 2025 same period |
FX INFLOWS JAN-FEB 2026 US$3.4bn +77% vs US$1.89bn in Jan-Feb 2025 |
Harare- Cabinet's seventh post-cabinet press briefing of 2026, delivered on 24 March, has covered a wide sweep of policy approvals from tourism development in the Eastern Highlands to bilateral memoranda with Ghana and Belarus. The item that deserves the most analytical scrutiny, however, is buried within the report on the impact of the Middle East crisis on basic commodity prices.
Cabinet, in considering how to respond to the fuel price increases that have made Zimbabwe the second most expensive fuel market in sub-Saharan Africa, has approved the review of selected and time-bound fuel taxes and is actively considering an increase in the ethanol blending ratio of petrol from the current E5 specification to E20. That single sentence, increasing the ethanol blend fourfold, is the most consequential fuel policy signal in the briefing, and it requires careful interrogation before it is celebrated as a cost reduction measure.
The logic behind the E20 proposal is straightforward, if blending local ethanol into petrol displaces imported crude, and if locally produced ethanol is cheaper than imported petrol, then a higher blend ratio reduces the effective pump price of the blended product. That logic is entirely correct in theory. The problem is that Zimbabwe's domestic ethanol is not cheaper than imported petrol. Zimbabwe's two ethanol suppliers, Green Fuel and Triangle, operate under a government-mandated blending arrangement that gives them a captive market and removes any competitive discipline from their pricing.
The result is that Zimbabwe's domestic ethanol costs US$1.10 per litre, against a global market benchmark of US$0.55 to US$0.70 per litre. Under the current E5 blend, the ethanol component contributes approximately 5.5 cents per litre to the petrol pump price. Under an E20 blend, the same captive duopoly ethanol at US$1.10 per litre would contribute approximately 22 cents per litre. The ethanol cost component of the pump price would quadruple, and every cent of that increase would flow to Green Fuel and Triangle rather than to the consumer in the form of relief.
The only scenario in which E20 reduces fuel costs is one in which the ethanol supply market is simultaneously liberalised to allow competitive pricing. If new domestic entrants, regional suppliers, and international importers are permitted to bid for blending contracts at market prices, the ethanol cost would fall toward the global benchmark of US$0.60 per litre. At that price, E20 blending would contribute approximately 12 cents per litre, compared to the approximately 10.9 cents per litre that crude-based petrol equivalent would cost at that blend level, producing a modest saving.
But that saving depends entirely on competitive ethanol pricing. Without market liberalisation, E20 is not a fuel cost reduction. It is a revenue transfer to two protected suppliers at four times the current scale. Cabinet's briefing does not explicitly state whether the E20 proposal is contingent on ethanol market reform. The absence of that conditionality in the language of the announcement is the most important analytical gap in the entire briefing.
Cabinet also approved the review of selected and time-bound fuel taxes, described as a measure to contain inflationary pressures and safeguard consumer welfare. While no specific levies are named in the public briefing, the two most consequential candidates are import duty and the carbon tax. Import duty stands at thirty cents per litre on diesel and petrol, making it the single largest levy in Zimbabwe's fuel build-up and the one whose reduction would deliver the most immediate and measurable relief at the pump.
A full suspension of import duty alone would reduce the diesel pump price from US$2.05 to approximately US$1.75, a 14.6% reduction without any change to the underlying crude cost, logistics, or wholesale margin. The carbon tax adds a further four cents per litre, applied on the rationale of pricing the environmental cost of fossil fuel combustion. That principle is defensible in economies with reliable electricity grids. In Zimbabwe, where most of the diesel being taxed is running backup generators because the national grid is unreliable, applying a full carbon tax rate is effectively a penalty on businesses and households for an infrastructure failure they did not create.
A targeted carbon tax exemption or temporary rate suspension during periods of sustained global crude stress would relieve pressure where it is felt hardest without abandoning the climate framework entirely. The Strategic Reserve Levy, at five point seven cents per litre on diesel, is the third most actionable candidate for suspension, given that Minister of Information Zhemu Soda has confirmed to Parliament that Zimbabwe holds between two and three months of strategic fuel reserves, removing the policy justification for continuing to charge consumers to build a buffer that is already adequate. The government suspended the Strategic Reserve Levy entirely during the Russia-Ukraine price shock in 2022 and that precedent exists and has not been deployed in the current cycle.
Together, a full suspension of import duty, carbon tax, and Strategic Reserve Levy would reduce the diesel pump price by approximately thirty five cents per litre, bringing it to approximately US$1.70, broadly in line with regional peers. Whether the review contemplates suspensions of that scale, or more modest reductions across a narrower set of levies, remains undisclosed. Without the specific levy schedule, the fiscal relief cannot be quantified, and the commitment remains an intention rather than a policy outcome. The necessary fuel price adjustments will be communicated in due course, according to the briefing. That timeline is unspecified.
The Cabinet briefing also provided the most detailed official tobacco production update of the 2026 season. By 18 March 2026, a total of 22.9 million kilograms had been sold at an average price of US$2.66 per kilogram, representing a 34% increase in volume and a 24% decrease in average price compared to the equivalent point in 2025, when 17.1 million kilograms had been sold at US$3.49 per kilogram.
The Cabinet figures diverge marginally from the TIMB Day 10 data that showed 19.77 million kilograms at US$2.68 per kilogram, reflecting the additional days of trading captured in the Cabinet report. The directional story remains identical: Zimbabwe is producing more tobacco and receiving significantly less for it.
Within the channel breakdown, contracted tobacco is averaging US$2.72 per kilogram in 2026 against US$3.53 per kilogram in 2025, a 23% decline, while auction floor prices have fallen more sharply to US$1.77 per kilogram from US$3.03 per kilogram in 2025, a 42% decrease. The auction floor price of US$1.77 per kilogram is the figure that most directly captures the condition of the smallholder producers outside the contract system.
At US$1.77, many auction growers are operating below their production cost recovery threshold, and the gap of US$0.95 between the auction and contract average price remains the primary driver of the side-marketing incentive that TIMB's penalty schedule is designed to suppress. Government has acknowledged the challenges being faced by tobacco farmers and states it is actively crafting solutions in consultation with stakeholders. No specific intervention mechanism is detailed in the briefing.
The medium-term tobacco ambition disclosed in Cabinet is significant and has not previously been stated publicly in these terms. Under the Tobacco Value Chain Transformation Plan 2 covering 2026 to 2030, Government is targeting an increase in production from 355 million kilograms to 500 million kilograms by 2030 and the development of a US$7 billion tobacco industry.
The 500 million kilogram target by 2030 compares with the 2026 season target of 400 million kilograms, implying that the government's own planning framework expects 2026 to fall short of 500 million kilogramswhic, h is consistent with the production trajectory the Day 10 data supports. The US$7 billion industry target by 2030 is ambitious against the US$1.2 billion in grower earnings recorded in 2025, implying that the value chain ambition is built around beneficiation, processing, and export price improvement rather than raw volume alone.
Cabinet also approved a suite of fee reductions in the real estate and construction sector, including the capping of local authority building plan approval fees for high-density suburbs and industrial plans, the scrapping of building permit inspection fees for high-density suburbs, the reduction of structural engineering design approval fees, the abolition of environmental impact assessment fees, and the reduction of contractor registration fees. These are targeted, administratively deliverable reforms that reduce the regulatory burden on construction without requiring legislative change or fiscal expenditure.
They are consistent with the broader business reform agenda approved by Cabinet in July 2025 and represent the kind of incremental cost reduction that, cumulatively across the construction value chain, improves the economics of residential and industrial development in Zimbabwe. Their limitation is that they address permit and fee costs, which are secondary constraints on construction activity relative to the primary constraints of credit availability, construction input costs, and land title regularisation, all of which remain largely unaddressed in the current reform package.
The Eastern Highlands tourism development plan, approved at the same Cabinet meeting, formalises the government's designation of Nyanga, Mutare, Vumba, Chipinge, and Chimanimani as anchor tourism growth nodes for a cluster-based approach to tourism product development. The plan follows Zimbabwe's achievement of Forbes Magazine's Best Destination in the World recognition and a 10% growth in tourism receipts, and represents a structured effort to convert that recognition into sustained investment and visitor arrivals in the Eastern Highlands corridor specifically.
The bilateral memoranda signed with Ghana, covering cooperation in energy, and in higher education and science and technology, and with Belarus in sport and recreation, extend Zimbabwe's diplomatic and technical partnership network without carrying significant near-term economic weight. Zimbabwe's election to serve on the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women Bureau for 2027 to 2030 is a diplomatic achievement with soft power implications for the country's international engagement on gender equality.
Across the seven substantive Cabinet approvals, the fuel policy item is analytically the most consequential and the most ambiguous. The tobacco data confirms the season's divided character, record volumes, declining prices, significant grower hardship at the auction end. The construction fee reforms are positive but incremental. The tourism plan is directionally sound. The diplomatic MoUs are routine.
The fuel policy, however, has the potential to either materially reduce or materially worsen the pump price burden on Zimbabwe's households and businesses depending entirely on decisions that have not yet been publicly disclosed, which specific levies are being reviewed, by how much and for how long, and whether the proposed E20 ethanol expansion is conditional on competitive market reform or will be implemented within the existing captive duopoly structure. Those two pieces of information, when they are communicated in due course, will determine whether the Cabinet's 24 March fuel policy package is remembered as the beginning of genuine structural reform or as a well-intentioned set of measures that deepened the structural costs it set out to address.
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